Port Denison Times, 19 June 1869, p2

THE P. D. TIMES

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SATURDAY, JUNE 19, 1869

MR. WILMINGTON, of Salisbury Plains, passing by the Long Waterhole not many days since, fell in with a mob of blackfellows, many of whom he knew and stopped to talk to; but there was one stranger there who, coming up to Mr. Wilmington, endeavoured, as the blackfellows' manner is, to catch hold of the horse. The rider, as the manner of horsemen is, motioned him to stand on one side, a motion which is generally understood and taken without offence by the blackfellows. Not so, however, with Mr. Wilmington's friend on this occasion. On the contrary, he got very angry and raised a big stick with which he threatened Mr. Wilmington. The latter was not armed, and it has not lately been the custom for men to carry arms in this neighbourhood, but many experienced bushmen inform us that, owing to the increasing boldness of the blackfellows since they have been let in, they shall no longer venture to travel unarmed. On this occasion had Mr. Wilmington been alone (Parker the mailman was riding alongside of him) it is by no means impossible he might have come to grief.

Mr. J. G. MacDonald too complains much of the sauciness of the blackfellows, who will, though repeatedly warned off, persist in coming into and through the paddocks, to the great annoyance and not unreasonable alarm of the females, who are often necessarily left for hours in isolated huts without protectors. Mr MacDonald assures us that he has got Mr. Bode to explain to them that they are not to come withinside the fences, and the fences have been repeatedly pointed out to them as the boundary which they are not to cross, but they persist in crossing them in defiance, intimating that they will come as often and stop as long as they please. Mr. MacDonald plainly says that he will not permit this, and he would be wrong if he did; but at the same time it is unpleasant to contemplate the possible consequences of any violence that it might be found necessary to use in expelling the blackfellows from Mr. MacDonald's paddocks --- the consequences, we mean, to out-lying settlers or solitary travellers.

The blacks are now mustering in considerable force in our immediate vicinity, the Sergeant of Police having counted the other day no less than 200 of them, and they will not "move on" when told by the Police; in fact they evidently require firm and careful dealing. There are also rumours of their having stolen clothes, and having thrown stones at and threatened unprotected females in the town. Everything points to the necessity for strenuous action in this matter. Upon the steps that are taken at this critical juncture depend in a great measure the terms upon which we shall be able to live with the blackfellows, and the answer to the question whether, on the one hand, the two races are to be of mutual benefit to each other and to the country; or, on the other, whether a war of extermination is to commence, entailing serious inpediments [sic] to the prosperity of the country --- battle, murder, and sudden death, pestilence and famine, on the blacks, and enormous expenses, losses, worry, and in many cases ultimate ruin on the whites, as well as a heavy burden on their consciences. We are glad, therefore, to see that the subject appears likely to attract the attention that it deserves. The Bench of Magistrates have [sic] taken action in the matter, the Provincial Committee have [sic] forwarded to Parliament a series of resolutions [relative to it and we know that]

consciences. We are glad, therefore, to see that the subject appears likely to attract the attention it deserves. The Bench of Magistrates have [sic] taken action in the matter, the Provincial Committee have [sic] forwarded to Parliament a series of resolutions relating to it, and we know that generally many of, if not all, our thinking men are now turning their attention to the subject.

In our last week's issue we mentioned a scheme which had been suggested to us. We now propose to go a little more fully into this, and to compare it with Mr. Gregory's resolutions, with which it has many points of similarity, showing also what appears to us to be the most feasible method of carrying out either or both of them. The approach of the election renders this a valuable time for agitating this matter, especially as Mr. Dalrymple, the only candidate at present come forward, has had considerable experience in the treatment of blackfellows. The keystone of the scheme mentioned in our last, and indeed of the only possible means of carrying out Mr. Gregory's resolutions, is the appointment of a protector or protectors of aborigines. It is proposed to divide the blackfellows' country into suitable blocks, following as far as practicable the lines of tribal divisions which obtain amongst the blackfellows themselves and which are perfectly distinct and well defined, and have the advantage of being already recognised by them; besides the very fact of their having been made or become boundaries is a strong argument for their fitness. One of such divisions would have Bowen for its centre, and be bounded say by Mount Elliott on the north and the O'Connell River on the south; another at Mackay, another Townsville, and so on. The officers of native police would perhaps be the best authorities to consult upon the position of boundaries. It is well known that one tribe will not permit another to come on to its territory except on a visit for a fight or some other especial occasion, and when the occasion is served send the strangers back to their o[w]n ground as quickly as possible; so that by adopting their boundaries we should not only in all probability have the best possible boundaries, but should enlist the laws and customs of the natives on the side of law and order. The districts once formed an ample reserve would be set apart for the blacks of that district, and for this purpose it is very well that the requirements of the whites and blacks are so different, that the country best adapted for the latter is little or no use to the former, and vice versa the best country for stock is of little or no use to the latter. We are informed that there is a practically unlimited extent of suitable country stretching between the mouths of the Don River

and Euri Creek, abounding with game and fish, and in every respect admirably adapted for the formation of what might be called the Bowen station. We would not propose to set apart anything like the whole of the district as a station, as the numbers of the blackfellows are not large enough to require so extensive a reserve, and the tract contains, we shrewdly suspect, much of our best agricultural land; but there is enough for both, and we fear that long before the whole tract is required for the white man's use, that is for agricultural purposes, the Don River blacks will have ceased to be. In the mean time an amply large reserve might be set apart exclusively and inalienably for their use, to be called "the station," and they might be allowed to hunt over the remainder as long as they refrained from injuring the white settlers or their property. Similar reserves would have to be made in the other districts. The stations once formed, and the consent of the blackfellows obtained to the arrangement, and we imagine there would be little or no difficulty in effecting this, if it were gone about in the right way, efficient men of experience in dealing with Australian aboriginals should be appointed, one to each station, as black protectors or whatever else it was deemed wise to designate them. Perhaps though it might be better to appoint these at the outset, as if properly selected they would be of much use in conducting the preliminary negotiations with the blackfellows, in assisting the police in settling the boundaries of the districts, and in selecting the site of the stations and determining what area would be required for each. It would be the duty of this officer to live on the station to learn the language of his own particular tribes and of those immediately adjacent, to acquire a personal knowledge of every individual native under his control, and to keep a register in which the name of each blackfellow, gin, and piccaninny should be entered, with such descriptive marks as would be necessary to identify them, and to afford some information as to their position and amount of influence in their tribes, and perhaps such notes as to their whereabouts and manner of occupation as could be conveniently made. Such a register as this would be of immense use, as it would at once do away with one source of the comparative security from detection in crime that the blackfellows now enjoy --- we mean the loss of individuality. At present to a great majority of white men a blackfellow is just a blackfellow and no more, just as to a stranger every sheep in a flock is, with a few exceptions, just like every other one. The register we have spoken of would in a great measure restore individuality, and render each man liable for the consequences of his own acts. It would further be the duty of the protector to win the confidence of the blackfellows and learn their individual characters, and to break them in gradually to such work as they may be suited for. To this end a good commencement might be made by employing them to fence in their own station, for which they would be paid in tea, rations, tobacco, &c.; carefully refusing rations or anything else to those unwilling to work; and when a permanent camp has been selected encouraging them to erect shelters somewhat superior to the mi-mis that satisfy them at present. He might then, when he had learned to know something of their characters, allow them to accept employment from such of the white settlers as were fit to be trusted

mi-mis that satisfy them at present. He might then, when he had learned to know something of their characters, allow them to accept employment from such of the white settlers as were fit to be trusted with the responsibility, and furnish them with permits for that purpose. In this way there would not be much difficulty in carrying out the provisions of Mr. Gregory's 4th clause. No blackfellow should be allowed certainly in the towns, perhaps not off their own stations, without such a pass, signed by the protector. For religious instruction we should prefer for the present to leave that to be given by the example of the protector and such words in season as he might have the opportunity of letting fall, that is as far as the Government is concerned. To force religious instructions upon these savages reminds one of the parable of the Sower, some of whose seed fell by the way side, and the fowls came and devoured it, which is explained by our Saviour in this way: "When anyone heareth the word of the kingdom and understandeth it not, then cometh the wicked one and catcheth away that which was sown in his heart." But if any good man, led by an apostolic spirit, chose to reside amongst them on the station, and do his share of labour in the vineyard by preparing the soil for the good seed, so far from there being any objection to it such a man ought to be warmly welcomed. In connection with this subject we may say that we entirely agree with the sentiment of Mr. Chatfield's letter (published in our last), that if a missionary wishes to convert these people, the most Christian-like and harmless method would be to go and live amongst them for twelve months, and then see the result. This was the line of conduct adopted by St. Boniface and other apostles of Christianity amongst European savages, probably as repulsive and certainly more ferocious than these Australian aboriginals, and this system was successful. We much doubt whether that adopted in Australia generally and by "Mr. Crow" in particular would have had the same result. Of modern missionaries we believe the Moravians to come nearest to the apostolic model, and accordingly we hear that they are achieving a satisfactory measure of success in South Australia. It might be well to invite the co-operation of these earnest and pious men in the conduct of an enterprise, the object of which is such that we think we may without presumption hope for the blessing of the Almighty upon our efforts. But to return to the protectors. If a man of tact, the natives would undoubtedly soon invest him with a kind of judicial power to decide disputes among themselves, in carrying out which he would be backed up by the full influence of the chiefs. It will be seen at once that these officers will have a great responsibility, and also that if able men and fit for their post they will soon acquire such an influence with the natives as will put a great deal of power for good or for ill in their hands. It will therefore be necessary to be very careful in making

the appointments, and, if such a thing be possible, to eliminate the elements of nepotism, bribery, corruption, and all sorts of jobbery from the selection. Men perfectly competent to the task are to be found—men whose experience in these matters is well known and can be attested by the oldest colonists and foremost men in Queensland.

Probably the first objection made to this proposal will be the expense, but in the first place, as we believe that if properly carried out it would in a few years enable the Government to disband the Native Police, we think that so far from an expense it would be an actual saving of expense; and in the second place, even supposing that the actual expenditure were increased instead of being diminished, the immunity from depredations that the squatters would gain thereby would indirectly more than counterbalance a very considerable increase. Independently of that we all admit that we have a duty to perform both to the blackfellows and to ourselves, and we all profess our willingness— nay, our anxiety—to perform that duty, so that after all the question of expenditure, at least within anything like moderate terms, is but a secondary consideration. We had forgotten to mention that in the event of such station being formed, it would be of the utmost importance to keep white men from trespassing upon it—"No admittance except on business" should be distinctly placarded, and any loafers coming upon the reserve should be warned off, and if then refusing to leave be ejected and prosecuted for trespass. This would go far towards obviating the two great sources of danger to which we have so often alluded, and of course kidnapping would cease to be.