Speeches, Debates, and Interviews Volume 4: 1864-1880

Pages That Need Review

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY MUST BE MAINTAINED IN POWER (1872-04-13)

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acted as “temporary president.” When Pinchback escorted Douglass into the great hall of Mechanics Institute on the morning of his address, all “present rose to their feet and received him with cheers and applause.” At 12:00 P.M. James H. Ingraham, first vice president, called the assembly to order. The Reverend C. H. Thompson led the assembly in prayer, after which the names of the delegates from New York, the District of Columbia, and Rhode Island were added to the roll. Douglass was escorted to the speaker’s stand by Pinchback, Ransier, and Isaac Myers, a labor leader and the delegate from Maryland. Ingraham introduced Douglass, whose address was warmly received, the New Orleans Bee noting that “in fluency, diction and argument” it “fully sustained his reputation as an orator.” At the conclusion of his remarks, the delegates voted Douglass their “thanks” and proceeded with the regular order of business. New Orleans Bee, ll, 12, 13 April 1872; New Orleans Picayune, 11, 12, I3, 14 April 1872; New Orleans Republican, 11, 12, 13 April 1872; New Orleans Semi-Weekly Louisianan, 14 April 1872.

Mr. Douglass gracefully thanked the Convention for the cordial manner in which he had been introduced, and earnestly expressed his gratitude for the feeling exhibited in selecting him as the permanent President of the Convention, inasmuch as there were at least twenty men present better qualified by their mental aptitudes than himself for the peculiar duties of a presiding officer. He judged that the choice was intended not so much to compliment him as a chairman, as it was to convey to him a grateful recognition of his earnest labor in their behalf through all the vicissitudes of their long struggle for liberty. (Applause) From the response he saw his inference was right. He regretted his arrival at the end instead of the beginning of the Convention. He labored under the disadvantage therefore of not knowing what sentiments had been uttered, what principles had been asserted, or what resolutions had been adopted,1 and this almost prevented him from speaking intelligently. He was likely to repeat what had already been said. He had been six days upon his way, but had used due

I. Although he had been elected the permanent chairman of the convention on the first day of the proceedings, Douglass did not arrive in New Orleans until the fourth day. In his absence Lieutenant Governor P. B. S. Pinchback served as temporary chairman of the sessions. For two of those days the convention discussed repudiating sympathies and connections with two other conventions: the Labor Reform Convention that had been held in Columbus, Ohio, and the convention of Liberal Republicans. scheduled to meet in Cincinnati, Ohio, in May. The resolution to repudiate sympathies passed by a twoto-one margin the day before Douglass’s arrival, some delegates intensely pro-Grant and others proSumner. New Orleans Republican, ll, 12, 13 April 1872; New Orleans Bee. ll, 12, 13 April 1872; New Orleans Picayune. ll, 12, 13 April 1872.

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diligence to arrive in time, and the toil and fatigue almost unnerved him to speak.

Mr. Douglass said he supposed the object of the convention had already been fully stated. According to his view it had two distinct objects. The first was to gather the moral and political force of the colored people of the United States; and the second was to direct and wield that force in such a manner as to vouchsafe to those people all the liberties contained in the Declaration of Independence. (Great Applause.) The history of their liberties was not so old already that they had forgotten how they were achieved or did not remember what slavery was. (Applause) There was a time when colored men did not hold conventions in Louisiana. (Applause) He related the anecdote of the colored man who was once brought before a recorder in New Orleans on a charge of larceny. The recorder advised him never to come there again. “I did not come, Mr. Recorder, the constable fouch me.” (Laughter) So it was with the colored delegates who formerly came to Louisiana, the constable “fouch” them with handcuffs upon their wrists. But that day, thank Heaven, was gone, never to return! Never! never! never! (Prolonged enthusiasm.) Every man now comes with his own consent and leaves when he desires. (Applause) The change was vast and wonderful! This country did not seem to be the same United States it was of old. The sun does not rise and set as it did in those dark and gloomy days. The very air now seems more pleasant; somehow we breathe freer than then.

But colored men, like all others, are apt to be forgetful. Do they often and fully consider the tedious, weary, and bloody processes by which the revolution was accomplished? They can well recur to the history of the rise and progress of all great revolutions and gather instruction for the future. Revolutions do not spring from the ground. They are not the creatures of a day. The cause of humanity has never made a step, not moved an inch in advance that was not purchased with agony and tears. Thirty years ago there was no equality for all men, even in Massachusetts. Under the very shadow of Faneuil Hall the slave hunter pursued and seized his victim.2 As broad as was this great land with its vast plains, its green fields, and its classic spots, so grand in history, there was no single nook where the fleeing man of his complexion was not hunted down and brought back to bondage. There was no valley so deep, no mountain so high that it was free from the slave hunters. The slave was started up on

2. A reference to the rendition of Anthony Bums.

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the shores of Lake Erie and hounded over mountain, hill, swamp, and plain to the Gulf of Mexico. Everywhere he clamored for protection, but in vain. But by the power of truth the logic of events and the blood of patriots have made him free, and there is no place where, by virtue of his manhood, he cannot stand up and be absolutely protected. But no step in advance, as he had said, had ever been achieved without agony and blood. He referred to the cost of religious liberty. Before men were allowed to think for themselves about the infinite, Europe drank the blood of free hearts for eighty years.3 Superstition stood in the way, but men fought for the freedom of religious thought and attained it.

When he looked back over the history of the anti-slavery struggle he marveled that so much blood and so much treasure had been lost in resisting a principle so self-evident and so simple. When you come to the essence of that great struggle which had rent the nation asunder and moistened the land with tears, it was merely a question of individual right of ownership; it was whether every man shall be allowed to be his self; whether he is born for himself, breathes for himself, dies for himself, and shall answer to God for himself. And that great question of ages is now settled forever. Nothing must be done that will kindle into flames the passions and prejudices that are smouldering and dying. Let the dead past bury its dead,4 and let nothing be raked up from the grave of sad reminiscences unless it be to point a lesson to the future.

But colored men cannot be reminded too frequently of the men who strove for them in the early days. The names of such men as Wm. Lloyd Garrison (applause) and Wendell Phillips cannot be forgotten. They kindled the first sparks of the black man’s liberty. Abolitionism was first a sentiment, then an idea, then a principle, and then a great political struggle, and at each stage of its progress it seemed to be in charge of a different class of men. The first time it appealed to the polls, it gave seven thousand votes to a repentant slaveholder, Jas. G. Bimey, of Kentucky, for President. (Applause) It next gave sixty thousand votes for Hale;5 next it gave more

3. A reference to the sixteenth-century religious wars in Europe.

4. Douglass quotes a line from the sixth stanza of Henry Wadsworth Longfellow‘s “A Psalm of Life." Longfellow. Poems, 22.

5. Douglass incorrectly assigns James G. Bimey’s total of 65,608 votes in his second campaign for the presidency in I844 to Free Democratic candidate John P. Hale who actually received 150,000 in the 1852 election. Richard H. Sewell. Ballots for Freedom: Amislavery Politics in the United States. I83 7—1860 (New York, I976), 167; Frederick T. Blue, The Free Soilers: Third Party Politics, 18481854 (Urbana, ll|., I973). 256.

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than a million for Fremont,6 the pathfinder to the Pacific and to human liberty. (Applause) Next it carried the country for Abraham Lincoln. (Applause) And from here on its history is familiar to every child. Out of his election comes this colored convention. (Applause)

The war began on both sides against the negro, and ended on both sides for the negro. (Applause) It will be remembered that in the last lingering days of the Confederacy, when despair seized it, it imploringly turned towards the black man and exclaimed, “Help me Pompey, ere l sink!”7 (Tremendous applause.) When the war began it was a white man’s fight. No negro should be allowed to sully the cause of either side. The South scouted the idea of his help. The North did not want him. Colored men are called upon to be grateful to the Republican party for their freedom. He was grateful, but his gratitude was qualified by facts. The colored man can also be allowed to put in his claim to a share in that glorious result. (Applause) He is deserving of some consideration. He has been admitted to a number of important boxes. First to the cartridge box (applause), then to the ballotbox (applause), then to the jury box (applause), and now, he hopes, is to be admitted to the knowledge box. (Prolonged applause.) What the Republican party has given has not all been given wholly disinterestedly. Even Mr. Lincoln, great, good, and beloved as he was, did not see the end from the beginning. At first Mr. Lincoln was only opposed to secession and was willing for the South to hunt down fugitive slaves if she would remain in the Union.8 His second inaugural was an improvement over his first. In the first he favored the enforcement of the fugitive slave law. In the second he prayed for the scourge of war to pass away, but said that if all the wealth of nation must be wasted and each drop of blood drawn by the lash must be paid for by a gallon drawn by the sword, it must be done. (Applause)

When the very earth was crumbling under the cause of the Union and the armies of the nation were meeting disaster after disaster; when the recruiting sergeant was beating his drum through every hamlet in the land,

6. Republican presidential nominee John C. Fremont received 1,339,932 votes for president in l856. Potter, Impending C risis. 266.

7. A slight misquoting of Julius Caesar, act I, sc. 2. line 113.

8. In his 4 March l86l inaugural address, Abraham Lincoln denied that he or his party had any intention of interfering with the rights of slaveholders to their chattel property. He promised the South “that all the protection which. consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause—as cheerfully to one section, as to another." In particular, Lincoln pledged a vigilant enforcement of all fugitive slave laws as a clear requirement of the Constitution. Basler. Collected Works of Lincoln. 4 : 262—7].

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and received no longer a response to his cry “more men! more men!” when the Star Spangled Banner was trailed in the dust on every battle field. then it was that the North was brought up to the point where it unchained the black man and put the musket in his hands. (Applause) Then they called (applause); then we came (applause); and we helped to save the country.

Mr. Douglass said he stood there partly unfitted to address the Convention on account of the injustice of slavery. He had started from Washington a free man, but he found ere he arrived here that an invisible chain of slavery was still upon him. Himself and colleagues were told at railway stations that they must be served in the kitchen or not at all.9 This incivility was singly and simply on account of their color, and he defied any one to show any other reason for it. It was but right and just for the colored people to use their moral and political power to put a stop to this condition of things, and that right speedily.

As far as the colored people are concerned there are but two parties in this country, the Democratic and Republican parties. Men may change as they please, and factions split off in one direction and the other, wearing different and specious names, but one is always the party of progress and the other the party of reaction (applause). For colored men the Republican party is the deck, all outside is the sea. (Immense enthusiasm.) Messrs. Trumbull10 and Schurzll are falling back into the party of reaction and are

9. On the northern leg of his train joumey Douglass received equal treatment with white passengers, but in his own words, “after Cincinnati, he descended to the dead level of ‘race. color, and previous condition of servitude.’ and from that time onward had occasion for all the patience, philosophy, and good humor he could command." Douglass and his fellow black travelers were not served food or drink at any southern refreshment stop, or even in their car. Separate railroad cars for blacks were but one manifestation of Jim Crowism in the 1870s. Although only Florida, Mississippi, and Texas had enacted Jim Crow laws as early as 1865 and 1866, unofiicial acceptance ofdiscriminatory practices was almost universal. NNE, 2 May l872; Litwack, Been in the Storm So Long. 261—65.

10. Lyman Trumbull (1831—96). who was born in Colchester, Connecticut, and educated there at Bacon Academy, became a lawyer and a U5. senator from Illinois. In his three terms in office (1855—73) Trumbull was in turn a Democrat, a Republican, and finally a Liberal Republican who supported Horace Greeley for president. When the Liberal Republican movement collapsed, Trumbull returned to the Democratic fold. During the Civil War Trumbull strongly supported his friend Lincoln. During Reconstruction he championed reforms favorable to blacks, particularly the Freedmen's Bureau, but congressional veto of his proposals dampened his radicalism and edged him toward a more moderate political course. Trumbull opposed the impeachment proceedings against President Andrew Johnson and was one of the seven senators who voted against conviction. In later years, Trumbull supported Populist candidates in the Midwest and drew up a declaration of principles for the People's party that was accepted at its St. Louis convention in I894. Ralph J. Roske, His Own Counsel: The Life and Times of Lyman Trumbull (Reno, Nev, 1979); White, Life of Lyman Trumbull; ACAB 6 : 166; NCAB l2 : 22; DAB [9: l9—20.

1.1. Carl Schurz 0829-1906), born in Liblar, near Cologne, Germany, and educated at the

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championing the doctrine of State Rights as opposed to the doctrine of consolidation. They are honorable men. Nothing must be said against them, for their past record entitles them to respect. But they are upon a path that would lead the colored man to ruin. The Republican is the national party and the other is the State party. It was from the National Government that the colored men had received all they have. They owe nothing to State governments. It is not sufficient to be told that the amendments to the Constitution will protect the colored man. Good things have been in the Constitution since 1788, good things were in the Declaration of Independence, but they were of no avail, because they were not enforced. (Applause.) All the laws and all the amendments cannot protect the colored man if his enemies get control of the Government. (Applause) The Republican party must be maintained in power.

Referring to General Grant, Mr. Douglass said “he is the man for whom I expect to vote.” (This announcement was greeted with tremendous applause.) “Yet the Republican party has other leaders besides General Grant.” There is now a man at Washington who represents the future; what ought to be, and is a majority in himself, and a man at whose feet General Grant learns wisdom on this question—Charles Sumner. (Cheers and applause.) I know them both, and they are great men, but Sumner is steady as the north star—he is no flickering light; for twenty-five years he has worked for the Republican party and freedom. May my right hand lose its cunning; may my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, 12 and may the day l was born grow dark and be cursed when I say one word that reflects on Charles Sumner.

University of Bonn, was an officer in the revolutionary movement of 1848 before his emigration to the United States in 1852. Settling first in Wisconsin, he quickly transposed his political skills and interests to Republican party and antislavery politics and was later rewarded by Abraham Lincoln with the position of minister to Spain. Schurl. soon resigned that post, accepted a military appointment, and, eventually achieving the rank of major general, saw action at Chancellorsville, Gettysburg, and Chattanooga. In his subsequent political career as editor, US. senator from Missouri (1869—75), and secretary of the interior in the Hayes administration (1877—81) his interests encompassed conditional readmission and general amnesty for the ex-Confederate states, the Liberal Republican movement, and reform in civil service, public land, and Indian policy. At the close of the century Schurz remained outspoken in his opposition to American expansionism. Joseph Schafer, Carl Schurz: Militant Liberal (Evansville, Wise., 1930); James P. Terzian, Defender of Human Rights: Carl Schurz (New York, 1965); BDAC, 1665; ACAB, 5 : 428—29; NCAB. 3 : 202—03; DAB, 16 : 466—70. 12. Douglass adapts Ps. I37 : 6.

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THERE WAS A RIGHT SIDE IN THE LATE WAR: (1878-05-30)

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THE EMBERS OF THE REBELLION.

Fellow-citizens, I am not here to fan the flame of sectional animosity, to revive old issues, or to stir up strife between races; but no candid man, looking at the political situation of the hour, can fail to see that we are still afflicted by the painful sequences both of slavery and of the late rebellion. In the spirit of the noble man whose image now looks down upon us we should have “charity toward all, and malice toward none.” ^10 In the language of our greatest soldier, twice honored with the Presidency of the nation, “Let us have peace.”¹¹ Yes, let us have peace, but let us have liberty, law, and justice first. Let us have the Constitution, with its thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth amendments, fairly interpreted, faithfully executed, and cheerfully obeyed in the fullness of their spirit and the completeness of their letter. Men can do many things in this world, some easily and some with difficulty; but there are some things which men cannot do or be. When they are here they cannot be there. When the supreme law of the land is systematically set at naught; when humanity is insulted and the rights of the weak are trampled in the dust by a lawless power; when society is divided into two classes, as oppressed and oppressor, there is no power, and there can be no power, while the instincts of manhood remain as they are, which can provide solid peace. I do not affirm that friendly feeling cannot be established between the people of the North and South. I do not say that between the white and colored people of the South, the former slaves and the former masters, friendly relations may not be established. I do not say that Hon. Rutherford B. Hayes, the lawful and rightful President of the United States, was not justified in stepping to the verge of his constitutional powers to conciliate and pacify the old master class at the South;¹² but I do say that some steps by way of conciliation should come from the other side. The prodigal son should at least turn his

10. Douglass slightly misquotes a portion of Abraham Lincoln’s second inaugural address. Basler, Collected Works of Lincoln, 8 : 333.

11. Douglass quotes a famous phrase in a letter from Ulysses S. Grant to Joseph R. Hawley, indicating his acceptance of the Republican party's nomination for president. AAC, 1868, 745.

12. Rutherford Birchard Hayes (1822-93), nineteenth president of the United States, had previously served as governor of his home state of Ohio (1867-71) and as a Republican congressman (1865-67). Although Hayes had supported the Radical Reconstruction program while in Congress. events during Grant's administration had convinced him that the remaining southern Republican state governments, as led by carpetbaggers and blacks, could no longer sustain themselves even with federal military intervention. As president, Hayes attempted to rejuvenate the southern Republican party through a program of sectional reconciliation aimed at attracting former Whigs and Douglas Democrats into the party. He believed that the goodwill of southern whites was better protection for the political

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Index: Speeches Volume 4

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INDEX

Turner, James Milton: opposes black migration to Midwest, 510; as US. minister to Liberia, 204n

Turner, Nat, 224, 317, 366, 366n, 531—32

Thmer‘s Hall, St. Louis, Mo.: Douglass at, 149

Tuscaloosa, Ala., 287n

'I\vedd1e Hall, Albany N.Y., 146, 265

Tweed, William Marcy, 312n

Tweedle, John, 289

Tweed Ring, 312n, 492n

Twelfth Baptist Church, Boston, Mass, 435n

Twentieth South Carolina Infantry Regiment, 400n

Twenty-first U.S. Colored Troop, 71n

Tyler, John, 114n, 169—70, 211, 568, 568—69n

Uncle Tom, 56, 119, 130, 211; religious nature of, 56, 130

Uncle Tom's Cabin (Stowe), 56n, 130n, 606—07; characters in, 513n

Underground Railroad, 304—05, 464; agents of, 383n; Fugitive Slave law (1850) and, 362; Lincoln and, “In

Union Army: black officers in, 20, 27—28n; Bureau of Military Justice in, 285n; casualties figures of, 141n, 236n; chaplains of, 520n; Department of Kansas in, 22n; Department of the South in, 22n; Department of the West in, 22n; Department of West Virginia in, 22n; deserters from, 280; discrimination in, 19, 20, 25—26, 117, 591; enlistment of, 23n, 131n, 579; free black labor and, 56n; fugitive slaves and, 55, 64—65; hospitals and health services in, 447n, 561n; in Louisiana, 143n; Louisiana units in, 27n—28n; Massachusetts units in, 232n, 234— 35n; New England soldiers in, 483—84; New York units in, 234—35n; in North Carolina, 84n; officers in, 11, 22, 234—35n, 285n, 299n, 309n, 567n, 595; paymasters of, 550n; southern riots and. 148n; in Tennessee, 148n, 456n; treatment as prisoners, 114n, 133n; valor of, 290—92, 326, 484, 596; at Vicksburg, Miss., 56—57n. See also Black soldiers

Union College, Schenectady, N.Y., 94n

Unionists: imprisoned by Confederates, 145— 46n; in North Carolina, 84n; in Tennessee, 456n

Union League Club (New York City), 481n

Union League Hall, Washington, DC, 397

Union League House, Philadelphia, Pa., 128n, 134, 139

659

Union Navy, 91—92n

Union Park Congregational Church, Chicago, Ill.: Douglass at, 605

Union Party: See Republican Party

Union Place, New York City: See Union Square, New York City

Union Republican Party (Va.), 146n

Union Square, New York City: Douglass at, 48081, 481n

Union Theological Seminary, New York City, 107n

Unitarian Church: ministers in, 176, 180n, 205n; slavery and, 180n

United States: China and, 246n; climate of, 386; cock-fighting in, 352n; compared to Austria, 64; compared to France, 64; compared to Great Britain, 149; composite nationality of, 245, 259, 272; Europe and, 91; flag of, 6, 30, 56, 66, 212, 275, 280, 291, 297, 317, 321, 362, 452, 545, 616; Haiti and, 203—04, 332, 434, 591; Indians and, 245n; Liberia and, 203—04, 591; national character of, 241—45; natural resources of, 245; population of, 28, 318, 318n, 595; readmission of Confederate states into, 116n, 116-17; relations of, with Europe, 55; relations of, with Great Britain, 225—26n, 227n; relations of, with Santo Domingo, 281n, 332; religious freedom in, 599, 615—16; republican principles of, 242—43, 244—45, 324, 452—53, 472, 599; West Indies and, 605; as world power, 247

United States Congress: antislavery members in, 26, 26n, 37n; antislavery petitions to, 368n; black civil rights and, 27, 119; blacks in, 499, 499n, 598; black suffrage and, 103, 119—20, 205, 269—70, 493n, 540n; Chinese immigration and, 507n; colonization of blacks and, 57n; compared to Parliament, 166; Democratic Party in, 426—27, 427n, 489, 493n, 580n; federal election laws and, 580n; Freedman’s Bank and, 373n, 554, 554n, 558, 558n; Freedmen’s Bureau and, 572n; House Committee on Banking and Currency in, 551n; House Committee on Foreign Affairs in, 204n; House Reconstruction Committee in, l79n; Joint Committee on Reconstruction in, 270n; Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War in, l98n, 580n; Ku Klux Klan and, 338n; members of, 14, 26n, 28n, 106, 116n, 430, 469—72; personal liberty laws and, 53n; P.B.S. Pinchback and, 422—25, 422—27, 423n; readmission of

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United States Congress (continued) Southern states and, 125n; Santo Domingo and, 281n, 603; Select Committee on Emancipation and Colonization of, 57n; Senate Chaplaincy in, 107n; Senate Committee on Finance in, 549, 549n, 551, 553; Senate Committee on Foreign Relations in, 225—26n, 400a; Senate Committee on Privileges and Elections in, 400n; Senate Select Committee on the Freedman’s Savings and Trust Company in, 373n, 546-62; southern intimidation in, 468; Charles Sumner in, 27n, 28n, 269, 400n; women‘s rights and, 184

United States v. Blyew et al, 340n

Universalist Church: ministers in, 176n, 395n; newspapers of, 395n

University of Berlin, 94n

University of Bonn, 298n

University of Geissen, 213n

University of Georgia, 488nn

University of Louisville, 126n

University of Michigan, 381n

University of Mississippi, 488n

University of Rochester, 280n

University of South Carolina, 399n, 585n

University of the City of New York: See City University of New York, New York City

University of Virginia, 37n, 548n

Untouchables, 250

Urban League Hall, Washington, DC. 281

US. Army: in antebellum South, 540; campaigns against Indians and, 245n; condition of prior to Civil War, 155n; Department of Louisiana in, 567n; Department of Texas in, 567n; officers of, 30ln; postbellum reduction of, 492n; removal from South, 586n

U.S. Board of Indian Commissioners, 176n, 264—65n

US. Bureau of Indian Affairs, 245n, 264—65n

US. Capitol, Washington, DC, 301n, 398, 429, 447n, 451, 473

US. Census: of 1860, 5n, 28n, 130n, 246n; of 1870,130n,246n,318n,405n,468n,520n;of 1880, 520n

U.S. Centennial Exhibition, Philadelphia, Pa., 408—09, 417, 443; Douglass at, 408n, 477, 477n; visitors to, 408n, 477n

U.S. Christian Commission, 68n, 553n

US. Constitution, 9, 13, 14,36, 145—46, l8ln, 299, 478, 484, 487—89, 522—23; balance of powers in, 156—59, 163—71, 593; Civil Rights

INDEX

Act (1866) and, 340n; defines citizenship, 180— 81; fifteenth amendment to, xv, 4%, 199, 201, 201n, 205n, 212, 213, 215n, 218, 237n, 240, 259, 264n, 265—66, 268, 270n, 270— 72, 31 In, 324n, 327n, 328, 330n, 334n, 339— 41, 340n, 360, 361, 485, 494n, 523,536,565, 567n, 573—74, 599, 600, 602—03, 606; fourteenth amendment to, xv, 125n, 215n, 237n, 268—69, 269n, 270n, 3] In, 326, 327nn, 328, 330n, 339—41, 340, 340n, 485, 494n, 523, 523n, 536, 565, 573—74, 593, 602—03; framers of, 67, 174; fugitive slave clause of, 22n; Indians and, 599; limitations of, 149—72; Lincoln and, 297n, 432; preamble to, 83, 121, 152—53; presidential powers and, 158—71; principles of, 152—53, 174, 442, 529, 565. 573—74; proposed amendments to, 60n, 1 16n; as proslavery document, 158, 432; racial distinctions and, 98, 144, 153, 593; readmission of Southern states and, 26%; religious freedom and, 606—07; republicanism and, 174; secession and, 64, 578, 578n; second amendment to, 84; Slaughter House Cases and, 340n; slavery and, 121—22, 174; states' rights and, 44; thirteenth amendment to, xv, 80n, 82, 85, 97, 98, 142n, 155n, 161n, 311n, 327n, 330n, 339—41 , 340, 340n, 485, 494n, 536, 573—74. 583, 602; woman suffrage and, 176n; women's rights and, 175

US. Customs House, New York City, 535n, 537n

US. Department of Agriculture, 381n

US. Department of Interior, 264—65n, 473, 488

US. Electoral Commission: David Davis and, 535, 535—36n; Alan G. Thurman and, 472n

US. General Land Office, 205n

US. Government Printing Office, Washington. DC, 232—33n, 233

US. Justice Department: attorneys general of. 539m, 555n; protection of black suffrage and. 493n

US. Marine Band, 289, 427

US. Military Academy, West Point, NY, 22n. 74n,76n,212n,331n,567n,569-70

US. Navy, 227n, 332n; black colonization and. 501n; Coastal Survey in, 381n; condition of prior to Civil War, 155n; postbellum reduction of, 492n; in War of 1812, 479n

U.S. Pension Bureau, 279n

US. Post Office Department, 473; black employment in, 542n; postmasters general of, 442n. 486n,539n,558n,585n

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U.S. Sanitary Commission, 67—68, 68n, 395n, 447n, 553n

U.S. Santo Domingo Commission: Charles Douglass and, 279n; Douglass as assistant secretary of, 328, 328n, 354, 580m, 601; Benjamin Franklin Wade and, 580n; report of (1871), 354n; return of, to US, 285, 323, 601

US. Signal Service, 381n

U.S. slave trade: in Baltimore, Md. , 544, 600; in New Orleans, La., 600

US. State Department, 473; blacks in, 203—04; secretaries of, 472n, 534n, 538n, 569n

US. Supreme Court, 93n, 430, 555n; associate justices of, 427, 488n, 535n; Civil Rights Act (1866) and, 340n, 405n; powers of, 593

US. Treasury Department, 55%; Charles Douglass and, 279n, 599; officials of, 301n, 409n, 559, 567n; secretaries of, 332n, 442n, 517n, 534nn, 549, 549n, 582n, 583; Specie Resumption Act and, 534m

US. War Department: freedmen's aid societies and, 68m secretaries of, 578

US. Weather Bureau, 381n

Utica, N.Y., 47In; Douglass speaks in, 533—42, 610; mobs in, 53n

Utica Academy, N.Y., 7n

Utica (N.Y.) Morning Herald, 533

Vache Island, Haiti, 57n, 501n

Vallandigham, Clement L., 8, 336n, 598

Van Buren, Martin, 162n

Vanderbilt, Cornelius, 539n

Van Horn, Rev., 323

Van Wagener, Isabella: See Truth, Sojourner

Vashon, George B., 92n

Vashon, John B., 92, 92n

Vatican, The: Confederate diplomats in, 117n; Italian unification and, 64, 64n

Vaux, Charles, 447n

Venetia-Lombardy, Italy, 64n, l65n

Vermont: Douglass speaks in, 86, 240; Green Mountains in, 484, 484n; Union Army units from, 484

Vesey, Denmark, 531—32, 532n

Vesey, Joseph, 532n

Vicksburg, Miss.: battle of, 56, 56—57n, 74n, II7n, 236, 539n

Victor Emmanuel 11 (king of Italy), 64n

Victoria (queen of England), 166, l66n

Virginia, 6n, 26n, 79n, 97, 146n, 236, 236n, 303, 304, 309, 454-55n, 457n; in American

661

Revolution, 237, 307; Anglican missionaries in, 411; black suffrage in, 122, 122n, 237; in Civil War, 237; Civil War in, 212n, 450n; Democratic Party in, 548n; Douglass in, 52n; first families of, 15, 458; motto of, 115, II5n; nicknames for, 237, 237n; politicians of, 307, 548n; Reconstruction in, 237, 548n; secession of, 76n; slave revolts in, 224, 317, 366; slavery in, II4n, 307—08, 395

Virginia Industrial Mercantile Building and Loan Association, Richmond, Va., 610

Virginia Star, 496

Voltaire, Francois Marie Arouet de, 142, I42n

Wade, Benjamin Franklin, 5801:; as candidate for vice-presidential nomination, 580n; Civil Rights Act (1875) and, 417n; Joshua R. Giddings and, 580m; as president pro tempore of Senate, 580n; Republican Party and, 580; Santo Domingo and, 282n, 604

Wade-Davis Bill (1864), 37n, 142n

Waite, Morrison R., 430

Walbridge, Hiram, I24, 124n, I34

Wales, 254

Walker, Gilbert C., 236, 2361:

Walker, Jonathan, 609

Walker, William J., 300

War Democrats, 33n, 124n; as Republican Party allies, I45n. See also Democratic Party

Warmoth, Henry Clay, 423n

War of 1812: blacks in, 67, 72, 415; in Maryland, 455n

Warren, Richard, 3

Warren, William, 435n

Washbume, Elihu B., 53812, 538

Washington, DC, 6, 20, 22n—23n, 24, 25n, 27, 28n, 79n, 92n, 232, 234, 282n, 286n, 312, 313, 328n, 409a, 443, 455n, 479n, 489n, 542n, 549nn, 550n, 555n, 576n, 592, 611; black schools in, 300—02, 619; blacks in, 98, 231 , 23In, 293—94, 336—37n, 418, 446, 466— 69, 562n, 619—20; black suffrage in, 102, 118, 164n, 457n, 457—58; Capitol Hill neighborhood of, 422; character of citizens of, 448—49, 450—51, 455, 458—69, 473—74; compared to Boston, Mass, 469; criticized by Douglass, 444—74, 476—77, 618—20; Douglass in, xv— xvi, I9n, 52h, 96—106, 373n, 444, 465—67, 475; Douglass interviewed in, 475—77, 493— 96; Douglass speaks in, 106—18, 118—23, 272—78, 281—85, 286—89, 292—93, 300—02,

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