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LIFE AND TIMES OF FREDERICK DOUGLASS 299

Unlike the movement for the abolition of Slavery, the success of the
effort for the enfranchisement of the freedmen was not long delayed. It is
another illustration of how any advance in pursuance of a right principle,
prepares and makes easy the way to another. The way of transgression is a
bottomless pit, one step in that direction invites the next, and the end is never
reached; and it is the same with the path of righteous obedience. Two hundred
years ago, the pious Doctor Godwyn dared affirm that it was "not a sin
to baptize a negro," and won for him the rite of baptism. It was a small concession
to his manhood; but it was strongly resisted by the slaveholders of
Jamaica, and Virginia. In this they were logical in their argument, but they
were not logical in their object. They saw plainly that to concede the negro's
right to baptism was to receive him into the Christian Church, and make him
a brother in Christ; and hence they opposed the first step sternly and bitterly.
So long as they could keep him beyond the circle of human brotherhood,
they could scourge him to toil, as a beast of burden, with a good Christian
conscience, and without reproach. "'What!" said they, "baptize a negro? preposterous!"
Nevertheless the negro was baptized and admitted to church
fellowship; and though for a long time his soul belonged to God, his body to
his master, and he, poor fellow, had nothing left for himself, he is at last not
only baptized, but emancipated and enfranchised.

In this achievement, an interview with President Andrew Johnson, on the
7th or February, 1866, by a delegation consisting of George T. Downing,
Lewis H. Douglass, Wm. E. Matthews, John Jones, John F. Cook, Joseph E.
Oats, A. W. Ross, William Whipper, John M. Brown, Alexander Dunlop, and
myself, will take its place in history as one of the first steps. What was said
on that occasion brought the whole question virtually before the American
people. Until that interview the country was not fully aware of the intentions
and policy of President Johnson on the subject of reconstruction, especially in
respect of the newly emancipated class of the South. After having heard the
brief addresses made to him by Mr. Downing and myself, he occupied at least
three quarters of an hour in what seemed a set speech, and refused to listen to
any reply on our part, although solicited to grant a few moments for that purpose.
Seeing the advantage that Mr. Johnson would have over us in getting his
speech paraded before the country in the morning papers, the members of the
delegation met on the evening of that day, and instructed me to prepare a brief
reply which should go out to the country simultaneously with the President's
speech to us. Since this reply indicates the points of difference between the
President and ourselves. I produce it here as a part of the history of the times,
it being concurred in by all the members of the delegation.