82

234 LIFE AND TIMES OF FREDERICK DOUGLASS

all are united in calling upon the government for appropriations to enable the
Colonization Society to send us out of the country by steam. Evidently this
society looks upon our extremity as their opportunity, and whenever the elements
are stirred against us, they are stimulated to unusual activity. They do
not deplore our misfortunes, but rather rejoice in them, since they prove that
the two races cannot flourish on the same soil. But, sir, I must hasten, I have
thus briefly given my view of one aspect of the present condition and future
prospects of the colored people of the United States. And what I have said is
far from encouraging to my afflicted people. I have seen the cloud gather upon
the sable brows of some who hear me. I confess the case looks bad enough.
Sir, I am not a hopeful man. I think I am apt to undercalculate the benefits of
the future. Yet, sir, in this seemingly desperate case, I do not despair for my
people. There is a bright side to almost every picture, and ours is no exception
to the general rule. If the influences against us are strong, those for us are also
strong. To the inquiry, will our enemies prevail in the execution of their
designs? — in my God, and in my soul. I believe they will not. Let us look at
the first object sought for by the slavery party of the country, viz., the suppression
of the anti-slavery discussion. They desire to suppress discussion on this
subject, with a view to the peace of the slaveholder and the security of slavery.
Now, sir, neither the principal nor the subordinate objects, here declared, can
be at all gained by the slave power, and for this reason: it involves the proposition
to padlock the lips of the whites, in order to secure the letters on the limbs
of the blacks. The right of speech, precious and priceless, cannot — will not —
be surrendered to slavery. Its suppression is asked for, as I have said, to give
peace and security to slaveholders. Sir, that thing cannot be clone. God has
interposed an insuperable obstacle to any such result. 'There can be no peace,
saith my God, to the wicked.' Suppose it were possible to put down this discussion,
what would it avail the guilty slaveholder, pillowed as he is upon the
heaving bosoms of ruined souls? He could not have a peaceful spirit. If every
anti-slavery tongue in the nation were silent — every anti-slavery organization
dissolved — every anti-slavery periodical, paper, pamphlet, book, or what not,
searched out, burned to ashes, and their ashes given to the four winds of
heaven, still, still the slaveholder could have no peace. In every pulsation of
his heart, in every throb of his life, in every glance of his eye, in the breeze
that soothes, and in the thunder that startles, would be waked up an accuser,
whose cause is, 'thou art verily guilty concerning thy brother.'"

This is no fancy sketch of the times indicated. The situation during all
the administration of President Pierce was only less threatening and stormy