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Wesson Miss. Oct 4 1866
To His Excellency Gov. Humphrey
Dr Sir,
Knowing you to be brave, honest, Inteligent and Discreet, I address you frankly and freely. I feel that the day is dark and gloomy, something must be done to save the Presidents head; and therefore I take the liberty of give you my views. I think it is well to consult our best interest in connection with the dangers that Surround us.
In the first place then I want to take from the Radicals, the only just pretext that they have for complaint; and that is the basis of representation; their proposition of making the voting population the basis of representation is certainly fair, and they can always beat us upon that plea, then I say in order to disarm them of their strongest weapon, that you recommend to the Legislature the adoption of that policy; and also the enfranchising of all negros that can read & write and Own a free hold of Forty Acres of Land or Five Hundred Dollars worth of Town property. So far as to vote for State Senators, I deem it unnecessa-ry to elaborate these positions to you, they have no doubt suggested themselves to you before. If the legislature fail to adopt your views it will still have a good effect, the good men of the State and the South generally will sustain you.
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but your recommendation will almost Surely carry the Southern states at an early day, in favor of that Policy.
Oct. 5 I have Submitted the above to Several gentlemen of Mind and inteligence, all adopt the first proposition, many reject the Second. We owe much to early education I was raised in North Carolina, where I saw Free negros that owned a free hold of Land, Vote for the Senate every year, and when white men that did not Own a free hold was not allowed to Vote for State Senators, and I am now and always have been in favor of the N. C. law I am also opposed to the election of the judiciary and Several of our executive [afficers?] by the people; and I am in favor of all Officers holding office for a longer period. And I know of no better man than yourself to inaugurate that Policy, and I do hope that you will recommend all those reforms in your Message to the extra Session of the legislature.
I have just read Gov. Wells letter, a copy of which I enclose you, it is very significant and fully warrants all my fears, but serves to confirm me in my opinions.
Your Obt. Svt J. M. Wesson
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The Daily Picayune. LETTER FROM GOV. WELLS.
The New Orleans "Own Correspondent" of the New York Tribune incloses to that paper the following letter from Gov. Wells, of this State:
STATE OF LOUISIANA, EXECUTIVE DP'T., New Orleans, Sept. 18, 1866. Thos. H. Jones, Esq., Arcadia, parish of Bienville:
Dear Sir - I was highly gratified at the receipt of your favor of the 10th inst., both for old acquaintance sake and for your manifestations of approval of my recent address to the loyal people of the State. Knowing your steadfast loyalty to the Union amid perils that tried men's courage, I expected nothing less of you than your approbation and support of the principles and measures enunciated by the great Republican party, looking to the reconstruction of the States lately in rebellion. For myself, I conscientiously believe the preservation of the Government, and the safety of the lives of Union men in the South are involved in their success.
I don't wonder, my friend, that you advert to the present condition of Union men in this State, and can see but little difference between what they suffered under rebel rule and what they now have to submit to. Their fidelity to the Government is a brand or stigma - they are called all sorts of names, the work "Yankee" being the most general, because, I suppose, considered the most opprobrious - they find themselves under the ban of proscription, both socially and in their business affairs; in every parish where the rebel element is in a majority, they see men holding the principal offices at whose hands perhaps they and their families were persecuted, and this, too, at a tme when the State is still under martial law, and when garrisons of United States troops can be communicated with almost at a day's notice everywhere. In this list of grievances I have said nothing of threats of violence, and actual violence suffered by Union men.
I have left out the bloody record of the 30th of July in New Orleans, when Union men were murdered by wholesale in broad daylight, and with thousands of United States soldiers within hailing distance. Now, my friend, if these things are done when we are under the protection of the strong arm of the military, if the envenomed hatred of the men who labored for four yars to destroy the Government could not be restrained, even in the presence of the military, it is a serious subject for reflection to what extent this vengeance will be carried when unawed and unrestrained by the force of bayonets. In my address referred to I gave it as my deliberate opinion that if the military forces were withdrawn the life of every prominent Union man would be endangered. I shall adhere to that opinion, and will add by way of amendment that unless the force is increased I do not consider the protection thus afforded as a perfect security by any means. You know, my friend, I tried the "conciliation" policy in this State thoroughly. I did so in good faith and with a sincere desire to heal the wounds of the country. The result you know as well as I do. I have and do acknowledge that it failed in its object.
Perhaps it is as well the experiment was tried. It has demonstrated to the people of the loyal States the undying hostility of the spirit of slavery to free government. It has shown that the clemency extended to its advocates, who plunged the country into a bloody war, has been unavailing in winning them back to their allegiance, and the only policy by which the nation can be preserved from these plotters for its overthrow is to punish the traitors that, to use President Johnson's emphatic language, "treason may be forever rendered odious."
That Congress will regulate all these matters at its next session, is not a matter for doubt. Its first duty, as I conceive, will be to pass an enabling act, prescribing how the rebel States shall be reorganized. The first preliminary to that end will of course be a convention from the people to form a constitution, and in electing that convention I consider that Congress has the constitutional right to say who shall vote and who shall not vote.
When the convention meets, the power rests in that body to fix and regulate the basis of suffrage, the constitution they may adopt being submittd to Congress for its approval.
This I understand to be the programme of the Republican party, and is a shorter as well as a more effectual method for the redress of our grievances, than by persisting in the assembling of the convention of 1864, as you suggest. After the murderous onslaught made on the members of that convention, with the Mayor and his bloody police still in power, sustained and supported by the President of the United States, I consider that convention no long practicable.
I see no alternative, therefore, but to await the meeting of Congress, in whose wisdom and patriotism I have the highest confidence, and who I feel assured will take care of Louisiana.
With thanks for your good wishes, I remain, very truly, your friend,
J. MADISON WELLS, Governor of Louisiana
